Oxford Admissions (December 10, 2007)
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One
of the genuinely unique features of Oxbridge is the admissions
procedure. To judge by the news reporting, there is no issue in
education that interests the British as much as admission to the
"Ancient Universities". The only countries with comparable concerns
(that I am aware of) are the US, France, and Japan. I know almost
nothing about Japanese university admissions. France, famously, has a parallel system of Grandes Écoles of
fairly modern (mostly post-Revolution) vintage, while the traditional
universities are completely unselective in admissions, though of course
some courses ruthlessly prune students through mid-course exams. The Grandes Écoles are
a broad pallette of fairly small and specialised institutions, relying
on special preparatory classes and rigid admissions exams. While the
ENS in Paris as the primus inter pares for
academic subjects, the specialisation means that aspiring business or
political or civil-engineering leaders have their own, equally
exclusive institutions.
An American trying to
understand the significance of Oxbridge admissions should imagine the
frenzy over Ivy League and comparable universities, reduced to two
elite universities, of which students are permitted to apply to only
one. For all the frenzy in the US over getting children into Harvard,
it is well understood that there are fine gradations of quality and
prestige, and at least half a dozen institutions whose diplomas will do
you exactly as much good in climbing the socioeconomic ladder, as well
as several dozen more that will count you among the elite.
The
UK is blessed with a large number of truly excellent universities,
world-class in research and truly dedicated to teaching their students.
But why should anyone care how brilliant your instructors were (unless
you are one of the small minority who go on to a research career, and
even then, only if the brilliant instructor has worked closely enough
with you to be able to make a meaningful recommendation, and that
brilliant instructor is one of that small subset who are not only
brilliant themselves, but capable and willing to recognise brilliance
in others)?
University admissions in a stratified educational system is as much
about exclusion as education. The "return" that universities provide to
most of their undergraduates, from the coarse economic
perspective, is largely conditioned on
exclusivity. It's rather like a hyper-expensive resort that provides
reasonable comfort, but offers above all the opportunity to be secluded
with other phenomenally wealthy vacationers. The price becomes part of
the service, rather than being a trade-off. Universities don't exclude
by wealth primarily (particularly not in the UK), but by academic
performance. There is a widespread perception that a certain
amount of academic brilliance is the right qualification for many of
the most desireable jobs in the modern economy, enough to make a place
among the academic elite seem immensely desireable. Bankers pay £20,000
a year or more to send their children to "independent schools" (or
"public schools"), the primary measure of whose success (it would be
unfair to say it is their overriding educational goal) is the number of
students they place in Oxford and Cambridge.
The universities
could probably do more to exclude the striving sons and daughters of
the haute-bourgeois, in favour of the enthusiastic poor or not-so-poor
scholars, but then society at large would stop caring about us, and
would stop supporting us in the style to which we have become
accustomed. On the other hand, if the moneyed classes were too
It's a delicate balance, which recurs in many aspects of the
university. For instance, there is considerable pressure to
put business people onto boards of universities, to align the
universities more closely with business interests. But of course, if
the business community knew how to achieve their interests in
selection, training, and research, they wouldn't be mucking about with
universities at all. They want to bend the universities more to their
interests, but too much capitalist gleichschaltung leaves universities
like the internal research departments that they already have too much
of. Academics are a bit like yeast, going
about our own metabolic processes, whose effluvium (in this case
intellectually sharp employees, leaders, and future captains of
industry -- no offense intended) turns out to be of great value to
others, for reasons that we
tiny yeast cells can no more than dimly recognise, while we are mainly
striving to reproduce ourselves (in the academic sense, by seducing the
rare brilliant student into a life of cogitation). As a machine for
selecting and training the upper class, universities seem obviously
inefficient, since they are intentionally pursuing quite different
goals. Like the brewer's
yeast, though, academics work cheap (by the standards of private
industry); furthermore, the system is entrenched and well tested, and
the rigour with which academics enforce intellectual standards and is
far enough superior (or, at least, complementary) to the soft-soap
appraisals of business and government to compensate for the frequent
disjunctions and not infrequent contradictions between them. Even if
universities were supposed to serve no other
purposes than those of business, for business leaders to streamline the
university in their own image would be like trying to augment honey
production by steam-cleaning the
beehive.
On
what basis are some individuals judged "worthy" of an Oxford education?
The obvious answer is, those who are most talented, and have the most
potential to learn and achieve notable scholarship, in their chosen
fields. But why? There is some feeling that the brightest students will
make the best use of an excellent education. And yet, this is far from
the usual principles for allocating scarce resources. We do not insist
that
the finest automobiles go to the best drivers, nor do we insist on
providing top-notch kitchen utensils to good chefs. (There is some
effort to match exceptional music instruments to exceptional musicians,
though.) When the market solution is rejected, it is typically for
egalitarian reasons. But on an egalitarian basis, one might argue for
providing the best post-secondary education to the most ignorant
students, to balance things out. For an alternative justification, we
might jump to the
argument that the education at an elite university differs not in
quality but in kind. This is especially true in the UK, where Oxford
and Cambridge rely largely on the tutorial system. By leaving students
very much to their own devices, but providing close contact and
frequent interaction with leading senior scholars, this puts a premium
on students' ability to organise and motivate their studies, and to ask
probing questions. For someone incapable of this (or simply
uninterested), a place at Oxford would not be a gift. Then there is the
problem of competition and mutual assistance among fellow students:
Clearly students all benefit
from a certain amount of stratification by ability, simply to allow
lectures to be targetted at a common pace.
Oxbridge discrimination, elite schools, and the Sutton Trust report
The
public is clearly of two minds. It is opposed to "elitism" on
principle, but wants to be respected in the world for its elites. There
seems to be less hostility than in the US toward pointy-headed
academics, but they want class distinctions to be erased in the
allocation of resources. As long as genius blows whereThe fact that
well-heeled parents are buying not only a posh accent with their school
fees, but sharper minds, genuinely better prepared for a top
university, cuts uncomfortably across these lines. To
put it bluntly, while everyone could benefit from an Oxford degree, not
everyone would benefit from an Oxford education. This discrepancy is
what drives the headlines, though, since one feels that the valuable
Oxford degrees, being partly funded by the taxpayers, should be spread
around more broadly. In particular, there is the sense, expressed in
articles such as this one, that This article describes the Sutton Trust report,
which found that out of about 3700 schools in the UK, there are 100 --
78 of them private -- which provides Oxbridge with about 1/3 of their
matriculants. What does that mean? It sounds to many like an indictment
of the fairness of the admissions process. Some schools are receiving
more than their "fair share" of Oxbridge places. Or are they? In
principle, this pattern could be explained if the 100 top schools had
twenty times as many pupils as the rest, on average. Of course, they do
not, but the idea does not seem so absurd when we replace "pupils" by
"highly motivated pupils with highly motivated families". Wealth is a
factor, that is, but so is the importance placed upon education.
Furthermore, as long as there is a perception that elite schools are
the necessary springboard to Oxbridge, those families who yearn for
Oxbridge will, if at all possible, scrape together the money to send
their little ones to an independent school. The less motivated --
perhaps because they do not care about education, perhaps because they
find Oxbridge pretensions insufferable -- will be less well prepared
for Oxbridge (though perhaps better prepared for something else), and
may not even apply. Indeed, if we look at application statistics, we
see that the state school pupils are drastically underrepresented among
the Oxford applicants
as well. Only 57.5% of Oxford applicants in 2005-7 came from state
schools. Those who did apply did fairly well, as we see that 53.2% of
the places went to applicants from state schools. (Worcester received
only 46.4% of its applications from state schools, but 48.7% of those
accepted were from this group.)
Even if we accepted
the soundness of the statistical inference -- some schools are unfairly
(or, at least, unreasonably) advantaged in placing their graduates in
elite universities -- the logical conclusion is being twisted to a
political agenda. Consider that we believe ourselves to have strong
empirical evidence for the proposition:
1) Graduates of elite universities are more likely to get good jobs and be economically successful in their lives.
The socially conscious concludes that therefore
2) We need to widen access to this important Oxbridge benefit.
We are then confronted with strong empirical evidence for the proposition:
3)
Graduates of elite schools are more likely to be admitted to elite
universities, and be economically successful in their lives.
The same pattern of reasoning then would lead us to
4) We need to widen access to this important elite school benefit.
One
might widen access by helping more children from a variety of
backgrounds to be able to afford to attend the best schools. Or, one
might widen access by improving the education provided in the state
schools, copying the methods and the funding levels of the independent
schools. But no, that is not feasible. You see, that would demand
higher taxes, and the British public does not believe in being taxed
the way other Europeans are. But then, it is hard to see why, if they
believe that the wealthy should be allowed by right to keep the money
they earn, they are surprised when the wealthy want to use the money
to buy something valuable, like a good education. And yet, this is not
the conclusion drawn by some newspaper columnists and government ministers. (with some notable exceptions such as this journalist and this anodyne ministerial comment)
The
report clouds the issue by multiplying the meaningless statistics:
Quite promininent is the information that "The proportion of university
entrants going to Oxbridge from the top performing 30 independent
schools was nearly twice that of the top performing 30 grammar schools
-- despite having very similar average A-level scores." That sounds
rather damning, unless you know that Oxford is choosing only from
the students who have the maximum possible score of three A grades in
their A-level exams. These comprise fully 10% of all school leavers,
while less than 1% will be able to find a place at Oxford or Cambridge.
Thus, comparing average A-level grades would not be expected
necessarily to have much relevance in predicting Oxbridge acceptance
rates. It is rather as though one were to infer invidious
discrimination from observing that the Royal Philharmonic was far more
likely to hire graduates of a leading conservatory than university
graduates in music pedagogy, despite the fact that both groups on
average had learned to play the same number of scales.
While
the UK gives students only one shot at the "elite", at the very least
the message of rejection is somewhat limited by the admissions
criteria. Whereas UK universities seek out the students most capable
for the particular course of study that they aspire to study, US
universities nourish the fiction that they evaluate the whole person.
So when Harvard or Yale or Stanford rejects you, it is not just your
academic qualifications that they are judging inadequate. It is your
life.
My
own experience as a student going through the US
university admissions mill certainly colours my experience. Being quite
naive about the process, I applied only to four universities: Harvard,
MIT, Yale, and Johns Hopkins (the last only because my brother was
there). I had admissions interviews at the first two, and was accepted
at the last two. As someone who has gone on to be a quite competent
research mathematician, I find the rejection by MIT back then
particularly telling. I was a top student in high school, winning a
fair share of local and national prizes in mathematics. I have gone on
to become a fairly successful research mathematician. And yet I was
rejected by MIT, which is focused almost entirely on natural sciences,
and accepted by Yale, with much broader interests and a football team
to squeeze in. Why? I can only guess that, as a shy and introverted,
math-obsessed and relatively young school pupil, I did not perform
very well in an interview that had almost no academic content.
Discrimination, Legacies, and Development Cases
US
universities are rather infamous for the many different ways they
discriminate for or against certain applicants. The most notorious are
the legacies -- preference for childre, or occasionally other
relatives, of alumni -- and the "development cases", a euphemism for
children of the great and the good, whose patronage may be expected.
For an excellent discussion of the open scandals of US university
admissions, see Daniel Golden's The Price of Admission. Oxford explicitly rejects
I
was interested to notice that even stuffy, old, rich Trinity College
rejected Euan Blair, son of the Prime Minister, despite the fact that
the warden (head of the college) is himself a notoriously wealthy and
nonacademic alumnus of the college, and apparently a friend of the
Blair family. Given the public attention that
his case received, it's easy to suppose that they were making a show of
scrupulousness in admissions, but even then, it is notable that they
felt it to be important to show that they would not play favourites
with the son of a prime minister. Certainly US universities feel no
compunctions about competing for the children of the wealthy, famous,
and powerful, vaulting them ahead of more conventionally qualified
applicants. Blair would hardly have been a disastrous student here: He
did receive a conditional acceptance, but failed to make the required
A-level grades -- apparently his school predicted two A's and a B, and
he in fact received a C in French -- and went on to study ancient
history successfully at Bristol. (It is hardly a unique case. A
classics tutor in Worcester told me of having rejected the son of a
wealthy alumnus who they had ranked sixth among their applicants, when
there were only five places. )
Of course, this is an often overlooked reason to be worried about the wealth-differential between colleges
Mathematics admissions at Worcester College
I
presume that mathematics admissions are similar in most of the
colleges, although the mechanics surely differ between those colleges
with large numbers of applicants, and those with only a few. For
some years now Worcester College has received the largest number of
applications for mathematics and connected subjects, and in fact, the
largest number of applications overall. Consequently, we had to
interview from early morning to late evening on two consecutive days.
Each applicant was interviewed twice, once on a sheet of questions that
they had already seen, once on unseen questions. As I mentioned above,
the school grades were all at the maximum. They had taken a mathematics
exam specifically for Oxford admission, but this was only intended as a
test of basic skills, to cut off those who were clearly unqualified. We
did not try to make finer distinctions on the basis of test scores,
although we did note when someone from a not-so-good school scored well
on the exam, even when it was not a top score.
In
the end, I was quite impressed with how much one could see in a
half-hour interview to distinguish the student with a superficial
test-taking expertise from the student with the seeds of real
mathematical vision and sharp problem-solving intelligence. At the same
time, there are obvious dangers. The interview is extremely convincing,
because it is something you have seen with your own eyes, and it does
tend to wipe out all other considerations -- particularly since, as I
have remarked, the school system fails to provide the exceptional
pupils with very many possibilities to differentiate themselves from
the mass of merely adequate contemporaries. And while the interviews
seem to be a very good tool for finding the prospective students likely
to thrive in the tutorial system, it is hard to escape the suspicion
that there are the rare young people whose minds are profound but not
necessarily quick, who would benefit greatly from this university, and
contribute greatly as well, who never manage to show their true mettle
in a half-hour interview. We give two interviews, and then a third if
there is disagreement, but still, it is not hard to escape the
suspicion that a real genius might be missed.
On the other hand,
I think that the interviews (at least as applied in mathematics) are
well crafted to avoid the obvious inequities that concern many people.
In discussions of admissions I never heard anyone suggest any criterion
for admission other than mathematical ability, or rather, mathematical
potential. Peripheral factors -- in particular, quality of a
candidate's school, or national origin and language difficulties --
were discussed only to the extent that they would help in translating
the ability shown in the interview into potential. The principle, of
course, is that the seed that sprouted well on stony ground has more
potential than the seed that has already shown what it can do in rich
loam. A candidate who seemed exceptionally nervous, or who was
struggling a bit with conversational English, might deserve another
look if his or her performance at the interview seemed otherwise not
quite at the level of another without these handicaps. In the end,
though, as sedulous as we tried to be in adjusting our expectations for
the obvious distortions of personality and background, there is no
question that a bright young person would be best served by the
training of an excellent school, which would allow his or her ability
to be directly demonstrated in the interview, rather than relying on
the hit or miss possibility of some interviewer descrying great
potential as through a glass darkly.
It might seem that students
should calculate to apply to the less popular colleges, to compete
against a weaker field. The advantage to be gained from such a strategy
is marginal, though, and it could be counterproductive. There is a
pretty thorough system for making sure that colleges with too many
excellent applicants pass some on to the colleges with too few. My own
impression is that there were a few rejected applicants, but not a
large number, who probably ought to have found a place somewhere in the
university had resources been unlimited.